Smuggling Luxury: Inside the Opulent Lives of North Korea’s Elite Youth

Elite plastic surgeries, upscale gyms, branded handbags, and premium alcohol—these are the hallmarks of luxury life thriving in a country where importing luxury goods is officially prohibited. How has North Korea managed to bypass these restrictions?

In 2006, after the United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions banning luxury imports into North Korea, the Washington Post sarcastically remarked, “Everyone in North Korea will wear identical gray suits, and Chanel bags will only be seen in movies.”

Yet, just two years later, authorities in Pyongyang caught two major Chinese suppliers selling branded goods wholesale. By 2011, two Singaporean sister companies, OCN and T Specialist, had shipped $2 million worth of luxury items to North Korea, including designer bags, clothing, collectible wines, and perfumes. A decade on, it became clear that sanctions were ineffective, as the Korean elite continued to indulge in luxury products from German automakers and French fashion houses.

In 2023, Kim Jong Un arrived at the Vostochny Cosmodrome in a Maybach limousine—rumored to be just one among several luxury cars in his fleet. His personal collection reportedly includes Lexus, Toyota, and BMW vehicles, with similarly high-end cars available to his top officials.

Following Western sanctions, North Korean authorities quickly established cross-border smuggling networks for branded clothing, alcohol, and automobiles. This illicit logistics web spans 80 countries worldwide, with luxury imports totaling approximately $5 billion over the past five years.

Given the country’s average living costs, only the elite can afford such luxury items. The Diplomat magazine concludes: “Through expensive goods, the North Korean leader secures loyalty among his supporters—the more luxury, the greater the devotion.”

Journalist Anna Fifland, author of "The Great Successor: The Divine Perfect Destiny of Comrade Kim Jong Un," notes that since 2018, North Korean women, who once favored homemade clothes in gray, brown, and black tones, have started wearing Zara, H&M, and Uniqlo. This shift followed a surge in mass-market goods entering the country two years prior, despite official bans. The country even has a “fashion police” empowered to fine those violating dress codes, yet daring fashion enthusiasts still risk sporting Spanish mass-market brands.

Sportswear brands like Nike, New Balance, and Adidas are especially popular among young North Koreans. Athletic wear allows them to reveal their midriffs and legs—something generally discouraged in everyday life—and owning a gym membership automatically elevates social status, as only the affluent can afford such luxuries.

Consider this: with an average monthly salary of around $10, a single gym session can cost between $3.50 and $4. Additionally, exotic smoothie cocktails and alternative milk coffees, priced around $4–$5 per cup, are available inside these gyms. For the golden youth, a gym visit is akin to a night out at a trendy club—stylish, fashionable, and modern!

Credit for the emergence of these modern trends goes to the shadow markets known as “jangmadans,” which arose during the 1990s crisis when the food ration card system collapsed. People flocked to markets to sell whatever they had to survive, inadvertently creating a new trade system.

Initially, these markets dealt only in food, but over time, smuggled goods flooded in: electronics, clothing, USB drives, DVDs, and cosmetics. The jangmadans nurtured an entire generation of North Korean millennials whose childhoods were shaped by famine. They were the first to access South Korean products, sparking the so-called Korean Wave or “Hallyu,” driven by K-pop, dramas, and beauty products. Wealthy sons typically don’t visit these markets themselves, sending assistants or less affluent friends instead, though vendors often recognize their true connections.

Sokil Pak, a representative of the Liberty in North Korea organization, told CNN that the influx of smuggled magazines and films has reshaped not only the mindset of the jangmadan generation but also beauty standards across North Korea. Inspired by South Korean dramas, young people aspire to stylish clothing, dyed hair, and makeup—a stark contrast to earlier times when public use of imported powder was condemned.

The growing fascination with South Korean beauty brands has led North Korean millennials to embrace plastic surgery—a trend borrowed from their southern neighbor who rejected Juche ideology. However, only those born into privilege can afford such procedures. The most popular surgeries are blepharoplasty (eyelid surgery) and rhinoplasty (nose reshaping).

“Making eyes bigger” costs between $50 and $200, while nose reduction starts at $500. The European-inspired trend extends to hair coloring—a single salon visit to become blonde costs about $50, with follow-ups around $40. For an average North Korean family, keeping their daughter trendy means working tirelessly for an entire month. Yet, hair bleaching can also result in fines for violating regulations.

The fashion police can force “socialist order violators” to immediately recolor their hair, damage clothing, publicly humiliate them, and impose fines. However, affluent young women—often daughters of officials—remain undeterred. The black market for beauty products continues to grow. Trendy snail mucin masks and BB creams “from beyond the wall” remain available at jangmadans by using code phrases like “buy something tasty,” which leads buyers to hidden rooms where they can choose lipsticks or creams. Labels on scarce items are concealed, so only at home do women realize if they purchased Chanel or Dior. Products are sorted by price tiers from mid-range to luxury, with color as the only choice.

At home, North Korean women finally understand the value of their costly purchases—whether genuine Chanel or Dior.

Is deception possible in these transactions? Like any market, yes. Within the country’s isolated national internet, “Kwangmyong,” encrypted blacklists of unreliable sellers circulate among users.

North Korea also has domestic beauty product manufacturing intended to meet women’s skincare and makeup needs. However, due to sanctions and limited access to advanced technology, product quality remains subpar. Recently, Amorepacific—South Korea’s largest beauty conglomerate—analyzed North Korean cosmetics and found potentially toxic ingredients such as parabens and talc in some items.

An awkward incident occurred four years ago when Pyongyang TV aired a segment showing a shop worker replacing Chanel cosmetics with local products. Chanel promptly responded: “We do not export to North Korea, and all cosmetics available there are smuggled.”

Another paradox is that the COVID-19 pandemic unexpectedly influenced isolated North Korea by prompting authorities to consider building affordable yet aesthetically pleasing housing. Newly forming families now prefer diverse architectural styles over standardized “boxes,” leading to neighborhoods in Pyongyang featuring varied designs and internal infrastructure.

While the state still allocates apartments, a thriving black real estate market exists, allowing clandestine rentals and sales. A two-bedroom unit costs around $80,000, while three-bedroom luxury apartments can reach $180,000. Primary buyers are children of officials or wives of functionaries. These districts now host European-style restaurants, nightclubs, and bars, making Pyongyang feel comparable to other Asian capitals.

Photos: Getty Images, Legion-Media.ru

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